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Archive for the ‘Urbanisation’ Category

Today’s New York Times Review has a nice piece  on ‘making sense of complexity’ which cites the work of Brenda Zimmerman, noted complexity specialist whose work on health systems has featured on two previous Aid on the Edge posts (here and here).

Here it is in full:

The Great Recession and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, arguably the toughest problems we’ve confronted in decades, are nothing if not spectacularly complicated. Trying to size up these puzzles is like gaping at a homemade contraption that has mysteriously evolved into something even its designers can no longer fathom, let alone operate and dismantle. Is there an owner’s manual for this thing? Can it be unplugged? If we figure out where it’s getting fuel, can we starve it and hope it expires?

Look at the military’s PowerPoint slide of the Afghanistan war, a labyrinth of cross-thatching lines and arrows swirling around words like INSURGENTS and COALITION CAPACITY & PRIORITIES. “When we understand this slide,” said Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal, who leads the American effort in Afghanistan, “we’ll have won the war.”

At the same time, we’re learning more about the financial instruments that caused our economic collapse, and it’s now clear that “exotic,” the adjective of choice, won’t suffice. Synthetic collateralized debt obligations are impenetrable on purpose, built for maximum opacity. They’re also lethal mysteries to companies like A.I.G., an insurance firm whose supposed expertise is assessing risk. A.I.G. needed an $85 billion government loan to remain solvent.

You sense that the march toward complexity has turned into a sprint in the debate about health care reform and even the gargantuan oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, challenges so baroque, and with so many disparate and moving parts, the best you can do is hope that someone in charge understands them. Complexity used to signify progress — it was the frisson of a new gadget, the riddle of some advance in technology. Now complexity lurks behind the most expensive and intractable issues of our age. It’s the pet that grew fangs and started eating the furniture.

Of course, a nagging sense of incomprehension is a perennial feature of the human experience. When a character in “The Winter’s Tale” describes a spectacle that “lames report to follow it and undoes description to do it,” Shakespeare is talking about the reunion of King Leontes and a daughter presumed dead for many years. But the sentiment works just as well as a reaction to events preceding the Troubled Asset Relief Program. The difference is that Shakespeare’s speakers tend to marvel at natural mysteries, and when confronting them the playwright seems to endorse a certain humility. Today, our mysteries are self-created, and humility seems like a response we can’t afford.

“Are We Doomed?” read the headline to an article in New Scientist, a British magazine that last year took a long look at complexity. (Spoiler alert: maybe.) There is a lot of end-of-days talk when it comes to this subject. You will find a strain of it in the work of Joseph Tainter, an anthropologist at the University of Utah and the author of “The Collapse of Complex Societies.” In the book, Mr. Tainter examines three ancient civilizations, including the Roman Empire, and explains how complexity drove them to ruin, essentially by bankrupting them.

Does he look at the complexity of the problems facing the United States and see doom? Possibly.

“Complexity creeps up on you,” he said in an interview. “It grows in ways, each of which seems reasonable at the time. It seemed reasonable at the time that we went into Afghanistan. It’s the cumulative costs that makes a society insolvent. Everything the Roman emperors did was a reasonable response in the situation that they found themselves in. It was the cumulative impact that did them in.”

Mr. Tainter isn’t peddling the nostalgic charms of simplicity, which is wise because there aren’t a lot of people who would buy it. Unless the subject is TV remote controls, most Americans have a fondness for complexity, or at least for ideas and objects that are hard to understand. In part that is because we assume complicated products come from sharp, impressive minds, and in part it’s because we understand that complexity is a fancy word for progress.

Just about every profession has become more complicated in recent decades. The sheer volume of data and rules that must be grasped by a certified public accountant, for instance, has exploded, says Gary Giroux, a professor of accounting at Texas A.& M. The bible of the business is the portentously named “Original Pronouncements,” a book that at its heftiest a few years ago ran to roughly 10,000 pages.

A century ago, Mr. Giroux says, there were no accounting courses, let alone “Original Pronouncements,” because accountants were just guys who double-checked the math of corporations to ensure there wasn’t internal fraud. What happened?

“There was no income tax until 1913,” he says, “and before the New Deal, there was no Securities and Exchange Commission.”

It’s been fashionable for some time to bash accounting for its encyclopedic list of rules and standards, which is perhaps why a public relations rep at the Financial Accounting Standards Board can come across as a little defensive when asked about the size of the group’s most famous door-stopping tome. But you can’t understand where all those regs came from without realizing that they made possible, and mirrored, the growth of the economy.

Which gets to the worrisome part of the complexity of problems we face today. Instead of improving our lives, it’s vexing them.

What we need, suggests Brenda Zimmerman, a professor at Schulich School of Business in Ontario, is a distinction between the complicated and the complex. It’s complicated, she says, to send a rocket to the moon — it requires blueprints, math and a lot of carefully calibrated hardware and expertly written software. Raising a child, on the other hand, is complex. It is an enormous challenge, but math and blueprints won’t help. Performing hip replacement surgery, she says, is complicated. It takes well-trained personnel, precision and carefully calibrated equipment. Running a health care system, on the other hand, is complex. It’s filled with thousands of parts and players, all of whom must act within a fluid, unpredictable environment. To run a system that is complex, it’s not enough to get the right people and the ideal equipment. It takes a set of simple principles that guide and shape the system. For instance: Teach everyone the best practices of doctors who are really good at hip replacement surgery.

“We get seduced by the complicated in Western society,” Ms. Zimmerman says. “We’re in awe of it and we pull away from the duty to ask simple questions, which we do whenever we deal with matters that are complex.”

Those complicated financial instruments that helped bludgeon the economy, she says, should have been subjected to elemental tests: Is this good for consumers? What are the risks involved?

Of course, nobody at Goldman Sachs or any other large financial institution meant to wreck the economy. The United States military didn’t invade Iraq or Afghanistan thinking that one day its efforts would be mounted on a bewildering PowerPoint slide. The engineers who designed the BP oil platform that exploded and sank and produced one of the largest oil spills in history built it with multiple back-up systems.

But complexity has a way of defeating good intentions. As we clean up these messes, there is no point in hoping for a new age of simplicity. The best we can do is hope the solutions are just complicated enough to work.

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(2nd of 2 posts exploring  self-organisation and emergence in transport / traffic and the relevance for aid strategies – first was last week’s piece on slime moulds)

Traffic planners are increasingly moving away from signs and regulations to increase traffic safety and address congestion. Rather than legislating for driver behaviour, they are requiring drivers, pedestrians, and cyclists to actually think about what they are doing. The approach fits many complexity principles – especially notions of emergence and self-organisation. It highlights some useful principles and approaches that development planners might follow, as well as a number of thought-provoking challenges.

A project implemented by the European Union is currently seeing seven cities clearing  their streets of traffic signs. Participants in the experiment include Ejby, Denmark; Ipswich, UK and Ostende, Belgium. The underlying hope is that drivers and pedestrians will interact in a free and humane way — by means of friendly gestures, nods of the head and eye contact, without the harassment of prohibitions, restrictions and warning signs. As Dutch traffic guru Hans Monderman put it:

…Many rules strip us of the most important thing: the ability to be considerate. We’re losing our capacity for socially responsible behavior… The greater the number of prescriptions, the more people’s sense of personal responsibility dwindles…

Below is a picture of what such a set-up looks like in reality. This has already been implemented in a variety of urban settings, and is described in some detail by a Wired journalist.

…A sign by the entrance to the town reads “free of traffic signs.” Cars bumble unhurriedly over precision-trimmed granite cobblestones. Stop signs and direction signs are nowhere to be seen. There are neither parking meters nor stopping restrictions…”

…I stand in silence by the side of the road a few minutes, watching the stream of motorists, cyclists, and pedestrians make their way through the circle, a giant concrete mixing bowl of transport. Somehow it all works. The drivers slow to gauge the intentions of crossing bicyclists and walkers. Negotiations over right-of-way are made through fleeting eye contact. Remarkably, traffic moves smoothly around the circle with hardly a brake screeching, horn honking, or obscene gesture…  Pedestrians and cyclists used to avoid this place, but now… the cars look out for the cyclists, the cyclists look out for the pedestrians, and everyone looks out for each other…. traffic signs and street markings [don't] encourage that sort of behavior. You have to build it into the design of the road…”

For readers who need more visual examples, here are three great clips illustrating such self-organisation in traffic around the world:

Hanoi

Moscow

Mumbai

The argument by Monderman and his supporters is simple: patterns like the ones illustrated in these clips can come about by design, rather than simply through random accumulation of behaviours. However, the kind of design is what is distinctive: here it is based on principles of minimum rules and of allowing appropriate behaviours to emerge. The approach doesn’t advocate doing away with regulation altogether, but rather to have the kind of regulation that promotes effective and safe behaviour. These include some or all of the following ‘rules’, which usually need to be adapted to different contexts:

  1. Remove signs: The architecture of the road – not signs and signals – dictates traffic flow
  2. Install art: For example, the height of central fountains can indicates how congested an intersection is
  3. Share the spotlight: Lights illuminate not only the road, but also the pedestrian areas.
  4. Do it in the road: Cafe’s extend to the edge of the street, further emphasizing the idea of shared space.
  5. See eye to eye: Right-of-way is negotiated by human interaction, rather than commonly ignored signs.
  6. Eliminate kerbs: Instead of a raised kerb, sidewalks are denoted by texture and color.

As a result of the work by Monderman and others, policy makers in some of the most traffic-intensive places in the world are rethinking their approaches to traffic management, not least because of a growing sense that they have little choice in the matter.

Traditionally, transport and traffic planning has consisted of ‘classical strategic approach’: data collection, goal setting, alternative determination, selection of best alternatives and monitoring.  This has slowly been revised to be more flexible and adaptive to greater citizen participation and sustainability, but as Michael McAdams argues, “this process is still fatally flawed due to the inherent modernist and rationalist approach regardless of the type of revision and the approach. There are elements when taken separately… which might still be valid. Nevertheless, the overall framework and structure is the primary barrier for effective planning in complex contexts.  Although one might look fondly back to early planning theories and practices with a degree of nostalgia, it is seems to be unavoidable that we must discard them.”

This was echoed by Gary Toth, a Director in a US Department of Transportation:

The old way doesn’t work anymore… The folly of traditional [approaches] is all around us… That’s why these new ideas have to catch on…”

Is there a direct analogy with development and humanitarian planning approaches? Certainly, the DoT quote above would resonate with many of us working to bring about change in the international aid system. And there is a growing group – the self-styled ‘aid snarks’, of whom William Easterley is the most well-known - who argue vehemently against any kind of aid planning, and call for the disbanding of agencies wedded to the planning mentality in favour of more business and market-oriented ‘searchers’ who employ trial-and-error approaches.

So the question is, how do we get greater balance in our strategic approaches? The ‘aid snark’ answer is to replace all all agencies that have a tendency to over-plan with ‘searchers’ who employ more trial-and-error approaches, drawing from business practices. But as Amartya Sen has noted, you don’t deal with an affliction by getting rid of the afflicted. And as Owen Barder has argued, market approaches are no panacea to longstanding problems of aid effectiveness.

The key may be finding ways of experimenting within existing strategic frameworks, and bringing new ways of thinking and theories of change to the table. In fact, it is arguable that some of the most significant successes in our sector have been because of a combination of top-down planning and emergent, self-organised behaviours – think of the Abstain, Be Faithful, Use Condoms campaign for HIV-AIDS in Uganda in the 1990s, and the successful Brazil eradication campaign of the 1990s. Elsewhere, the success of the Obama campaign has highlighted the power of an approach which combines a overall strategy with ‘distributed leadership’ (see a 2009 Aid on the Edge post on the landmark campaign).

These successes seem to resonate with the underlying lessons from the work of Monderman and the minimum rules traffic managers - the key is not to eradicate planning, but to plan smart, with a realistic view of the complexity of real-world systems, and of the particularities of  human behaviour, with with space for strategic improvisation built in from the outset.

And as noted here last week, we need to be wary of over-simplifying things in the face of complexity, and expecting that emergence and self-organisation can be planned precisely, or at all.

Minimum rules such as the ones outlined by Monderman above may be helpful in some settings and for certain kinds of problems. However, many social, economic and political issues are fraught with the dynamic unpredictability and multiplicity of human behaviours. In short, the ‘minimum rules’ cannot become ‘best practices’, but need to be constantly revisited and adapted.  The widely acknowledged failure to spread the success of the A-B-C approach to HIV-AIDS approach around the world, despite strong support from the US government, has demonstrated this pretty clearly.

One fundamental issue is how we tell compelling stories about the results of such experiments. Here, the traffic planners may have the upper hand: the changes they work to bring about are visible and tangible - as highlighted by the photo, journo extracts and videos above. Is it ever possible to demonstrate change in social, economic and political realms in so direct a fashion?

All of this reiterates a central point: what we have in complexity science is a potentially very useful set of ideas for re-thinking aid issues, but we do need to engage critically in why and how they are brought to bear on our work.

This area is worth much more attention from both researchers and policymakers in the sector. More on strategy in the face of complexity can be found elsewhere on this blog and on the Broker pages which summarise a major November 2009 conference on strategy and complexity held in the Netherlands.

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Jane Jacobs, renowned urban scholar and grass-roots activist, has recently topped the Planetizen list of the 100 leading Urban Thinkers by an ’impossibly wide lead’.

Jacobs is something of a heroine for many communities around the world, real and virtual, not least the complexity science community. She approached cities as ecosystems and suggested that over time, buildings, streets and neighbourhoods function as dynamic organisms, changing in response to how people interact with them. She explained how each element of a city – sidewalks, parks, neighbourhoods, government, economy – work together in synergy, in the same manner as the natural ecosystem. She used this understanding to show how cities work, how they break down, and how they could be better structured.

At the heart of her most famous book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, is a sustained account of complex adaptive systems:

“…Cities happen to be problems in organized complexity… they present situations in which half a dozen or even several dozen are all varying simultaneously and in subtly interconnected ways…”  

To cite from a recent biography:

“…She found a natural order beneath the seeming chaos of cities, one that she likened to…. “delicate, teeming ecosystems.” For Jacobs, cities and economies alike are products of millions of individual decisions and ideas that combine in cooperation to form an “organic whole”…”

What is the relevance for aid agencies? Current World Bank estimates are that there are one billion extreme poor in the world, of which more than 750 million live in urban areas. This is based on a measure of people living on $2 per day, and as Mike Davis, author of Planet of Slums, argues, if you use other measures - for example, a proportion of national median income – urban poverty is much bigger than the World Bank measures.

Despite what might seem to be an astonishingly high proportion, research undertaken in 2006 by Lund University in Sweden shows that international organisations which focus on poverty have tended to place a very low priority to urban issues. Some researchers have put this down to a number of aid myths and a variety of institutional and historical factors, including:

  • the perception that ‘urban poverty is not as bad as rural poverty’ (Sanderson, 2002, p. 2),
  • the institutional history of aid organisations, which is rooted in rural development,
  • the belief that urban areas are the responsibility of national and municipal governments,
  • the notion that project work is easier in rural areas due to simpler institutional and demographic structures, and
  • the lack of knowledge of the long-term impacts of projects in urban contexts combined with limited financial resources

But if Jacobs was right (and the prevailing opinion from Planetizen would seem to be that she was perhaps more right than any other urban scholar) there may be another reason why aid agencies have traditionally given urban issues a wide berth.

The traditional linear, top-down approaches espoused by modern aid agencies may simply not work in urban settings that are best characterised as complex, interconnected systems. The limitations of the ‘log frame tooth fairy’, noted by Vicky Cosstick in a post last week on this blog, and the numerous associated biases of international aid may become all too evident. And instead of facing the anxiety this generates, and adjusting or changing standard operating procedures, agencies may find it easier to give the whole messy complex reality a wide berth.

This may not be entirely fair on aid agencies. There are certainly some pockets of good practice, here and there, across the aid system. But the reality is that although urbanisation has hit a tipping point in the world (2008 saw the majority of the world’s population living in cities, according to the UN), urban poverty issues have yet to hit their tipping point in the aid sector. As Helen Gayle, CEO of Care International, said in a 2007 IRIN interview “Neither the NGO community nor the donor community has co-evolved in the direction of facing urban poverty as rapidly as urban poverty has occurred” (emphasis added, it is worth noting the interesting use of complexity terminology here).

As international development and humanitarian agencies start to adapt to new urban realities, they would do well to heed the lessons from Jane Jacobs’ life and work. To find out more, the dedicated PPS web pages are a good starting point.

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